Showing posts with label TV. Show all posts
Showing posts with label TV. Show all posts

Saturday, 17 August 2013

Want to be taken seriously? Wear more make up.



‘You will take these red lips seriously.’ So runs the tagline on one of the posters for the current ad campaign by the Boots-owned cosmetics brand, No. 7. Predictably, the woman on the poster, below whom the tagline sits, has very red lips. Less predictable, perhaps, is the colour of her hair: grey.

A video on the No. 7 website tells the ‘story’ behind the campaign. In it, the grey-haired woman, Ali, who is 48 and contemplating 50, flicks through a series of adjective-bearing placards before choosing one and holding it up for the camera: self-conscious. She talks about feeling the same way she did when she was 18, the impossibility of her ‘aging body’ reflecting this feeling, and a desire to ‘make more of myself’.

After a sped-up makeover sequence, during which the bright red lipstick is applied, a relaxed, laughing Ali tells us she feels ‘empowered’ and that she wants to be seen out having a drink. She holds up another placard. This one reads: in charge. At the end of the video the poster and its tagline appear on screen, commanding the viewer to take Ali’s lips seriously.

Is it possible to take lips seriously? The answer must surely be no (lines of metaphysical inquiry unknown to me notwithstanding). Ideas can be taken seriously, as can arguments, relationships and works of art, but not lips. Lips can be admired, kissed, and used to play the harmonica. The phrase ‘these red lips’, then, in the context of the tagline, must act as a code for something else, something that can be taken seriously.

In order to try to understand what that something might be, it is useful to think about one of the strategies that has been used in advertising for nearly 100 years. In his brilliant documentary series, The Century of the Self, the filmmaker Adam Curtis tells the story of Edward Bernays, a nephew of Sigmund Freud and the father of the modern PR industry. In the series, Curtis describes one of Bernays’ first PR stunts (in 1929), which was for a campaign for the American Tobacco Company aimed at getting women to smoke. In coordinating his stunt, Bernays recognised two things: that there was a deep desire amongst women at the time to be freer of patriarchal control; and that a culture had been fostered by men in which it was deemed socially unacceptable for women to smoke.

The stunt ran as follows: first, Bernays hired a group of young debutantes to light up cigarettes at an Easter parade in New York; second, he told the press to be ready with their cameras, as a group of suffragettes were planning to stage a protest at the parade; and third, when the ‘suffragettes’ lit up and the newspapermen started taking photographs, Bernays gave cigarettes a tagline: ‘Torches of Freedom’.

After the stunt and the subsequent press coverage, sales of cigarettes to women soared. Bernays had made women feel that by buying cigarettes and smoking, they were challenging male power and were freer, as a result. Societal norms that prevented women from getting well-paid jobs and taking control of their own lives, of course, remained unchallenged.

Bernays’ strategy – of identifying a deep emotional need or desire within women and making them feel as if that desire can be fulfilled through the consumption of a product – is exactly the same as the one underlying the No. 7 ad. Back in May, the Guardian published a report on a study conducted by the Commission on Older Women showing that there is a huge shortage of women over the age of 50 visible in public life. According to the report, women make up just 18% of TV presenters over the age of 50 who appear on screen regularly for the main UK broadcasters. Also, women over 50 make up only 5% of all presenters appearing regularly on screen.

With no one to represent them on a public platform as widely disseminated and consumed as TV, the opinions and experiences of older women are being ignored. It might be said, then, that there is a desire amongst women in their late forties, early fifties and older to be more visible in public life and for their views and concerns to be taken seriously. Enter lipstick.

Because there is another way in which older women feel ignored, one that is articulated by the No. 7 model, Ali: in terms of their physical appearance. It is this desire, for one’s body to be noticed and appreciated, that No. 7 claims explicitly to be able to fulfil. For Ali, it works – she wants to give herself the opportunity to be seen in public, and her confidence in achieving some degree of visibility makes her feel empowered and in charge.

Just as US women in the 1920’s were made to feel as though they were winning some freedom by buying cigarettes, women nearing or over 50 – the No. 7 ad’s target market – are made to feel as though they are winning some degree of presence and visibility in public life by buying make up. But, like the American women, the objective circumstances of older women are not changed – their views and concerns are still excluded and ignored.

The implication of the No.7 campaign that its make up will not only make older women look better, but also younger, serves to heighten the expectation of a more visible presence in public life: according to the data collected by the Commission for Older Women, 39% of all TV presenters are women, demonstrating that younger women face less of a challenge in appearing regularly on screen.

When decoded, the apparently meaningless tagline ‘You will take these red lips seriously’ starts to make more sense: ‘You will take me seriously’, or ‘You will take my views and concerns seriously’. Above the tagline, the woman with red lips and grey hair continues to smile. 

Friday, 16 December 2011

Black Mirror ep 1: The National Anthem



I found The National Anthem, the first episode of Charlie Brooker’s new Channel 4 drama series Black Mirror, both funny and discomforting in almost equal measure. Almost as soon as I laughed at fictional Prime Minister Michael Callow’s insistence that ‘I’m not fucking a pig,’ or his aide’s advice to take his time with the said sex act as ‘to rush might be interpreted as eagerness or even enjoyment,’ I squirmed uncomfortably, immediately questioning my own response. Is watching a man (albeit a fictional one) forced to have sex with a pig hilarious or is it sickening? Aside from this, The National Anthem threw up enough interesting questions on the media, art and social relations for me to want to produce a blog-sized reading of it.

Who is responsible for Michael Callow acquiescing to the artist Carlton Bloom’s demands? Throughout the episode, Callow is adamant that he will not have sex with a pig. ‘Nothing is going to happen,’ he tries to reassure his wife, Jane. Initially, public opinion supports his refusal – a number of interviewees on fictional news channel UKN agree that he shouldn’t have to do it and an opinion poll indicates that only 28% of people would watch.


It is only after images of Bloom cutting off what is supposed to be Princess Susannah’s finger are widely disseminated that public opinion alters: 86% of people are now in favour of the demands being met. Even up to the eleventh hour, Callow is still raging against his fate: ‘It’s not going to happen.’ ‘Fuck the public!’ But the public pressure being applied to Callow proves too much. If he doesn’t go through with it, ‘you will be destroyed’ his aide assures him, ‘a despised individual.’ His security ‘cannot guarantee [Callow’s] safety or that of [his] family.’ Ultimately, Callow fucks the pig out of self-preservation and concern for his wife and child; he does not choose to out of concern for the princess.

Crucially, it is not Bloom but UKN that is directly responsible for the swing in public opinion. The finger-slicing video is not uploaded to YouTube like the original hostage video but instead sent by Bloom to the UKN newsroom. It is they that choose to broadcast it. Had they not, support for Callow might have remained constant. The media, far from being an impartial apparatus simply relaying information to the public, take an active and self-interested role in Bloom’s artistic project coming to fruition.
  

The power of the media to shape public opinion is not lost on Callow himself. The Prime Minister makes another choice after his fateful rendezvous at the TV studio: he decides to carry on being Prime Minister. On the one-year anniversary of the event, Callow puts in a PR appearance with his wife, during which UKN reports that ‘the incident failed to destroy a Prime Minister who currently holds an approval rating three points higher than this time last year.’ Rather than retiring from public life having saved the princess, himself and his family, Callow emerges from the event a more popular Prime Minister. It’s possible to infer that Callow met Bloom’s demands out of self-preservation but not solely of his family’s physical safety; he also wanted to preserve his position. Even in moments of desperation, Callow always has an eye on the news reports (‘I can’t think about coverage now… But it’s onside?’) Some dictionary definitions of the adjective ‘callow’: inexperienced, raw, unfledged. Michael Callow is an unfledged Prime Minister until he faces a trial by the media: participate in an event we’ve helped construct and enjoy more popularity than ever; refuse, and face political oblivion. He passes with flying colours and his approval rating shoots up, to the detriment of his marriage.   

As much as he really, really doesn’t want to, Callow can’t help but play the game. Interestingly, neither can the public. The wording of the second UKN poll is significant: 86% of voters now believe the demands should be met. Believing the demands should be met is different to wanting to watch them being met (the question posed in the earlier poll). And yet, as the 4 O’clock deadline looms, the streets of central London are shown to be deserted – pubs, workplaces and homes alike are full of people tuning in to watch the event, eagerly anticipating Callow’s humiliation. ‘It’s history, this!’ one of the hospital workers protests when a colleague tries to turn the broadcast off. The initial looks of amusement and fascination on the faces of viewers quickly turn to disgust and revulsion at what they’re seeing, but try as they might, they can’t quite tear their eyes away from the screen. They might miss something. The public, as much as UKN and Callow, is complicit in the realization of Bloom’s artwork: without an audience, the event could not exist as a work of art.


During UKN’s one-year-on news report, a newspaper headline briefly flashes up on screen: ‘Bloom’s dark vision accuses us all.’ Everyone is accused because everyone is guilty of acting in their own self-interest. That is the meaning of the artwork; concern for the safety of Princess Susannah is never at any point foremost in anyone’s minds. The three main players in the saga – Callow, UKN and the public – come together to create the event for purely selfish reasons. Callow wants to preserve his family and his position (unfortunately for him, it’s one or the other); UKN want viewer ratings and, by extension, profits; and the public wants to partake in an ‘historic’ news event. Social relations, mediated by, well, the media, break down. The result is a disgusting spectacle in which all participate.